The National Council for the Defence of Democracy – Front for the Defence of Democracy (CNDD-FDD) won the parliamentary elections held on 5 June 2025 in Burundi. Women’s representation in the National Assembly increased. While there was a strong interest in the polls, as evidenced by the high voter turnout, there were also reports of intimidation and violence. The opposition parties denounced the results.

On 5 June 2025, Burundi held its parliamentary elections. Six days later, the Independent National Electoral Commission (CENI) announced that the National Council for the Defense of Democracy – Front for the Defense of Democracy(CNDD-FDD), the ruling party since 2005, had won 96.5% of the votes. The party obtained all 100 directly elected seats, as no other party had reached the 2% constitutional threshold required for representation in the National Assembly. The Electoral Commission also announced an additional 11 co-opted seats in the Assembly to ensure ethnic and gender representation, in line with Burundi's Constitution, Electoral Law, and the 2005 Arusha Accords, bringing the total to 111 seats.

Over six million voters were registered for the 2025 elections. Early reports indicated high voter turnout, with long queues at polling stations despite ongoing fuel shortages and economic hardship. The official turnout was reported at 98.9%.

The elections took place in an environment characterised by the systematic exclusion of opposition parties, widespread intimidation and violence, forced voter registration, media censorship, and electoral fraud. Women candidates and voters were subjected to sexual violence used as a tool of political repression. On December 31, 2024, the Burundi Electoral Commission disqualified all candidates from the main opposition party, the CNL (Congrès National pour la Liberté), and the Burundi Bwa Bose (Burundi for All) coalition. The exclusion of the CNL was part of a systematic campaign to eliminate opposition.

Between January 2024 and May 2025, Burundian civil society organisations documented at least 200 cases of sexual violence (including child rape), enforced disappearances, torture, arbitrary detentions, and extrajudicial executions committed by state agents, including the National Intelligence Service, police, and the Imbonerakure (the youth faction of the ruling party). There were also reports of forced voter registrations on electoral lists, with access to public services made conditional on prior validation by state agents.

The African Union (AU) praised the "peaceful" conduct of Burundi's legislative and communal elections, the high voter turnout, the "climate of freedom and transparency", and media coverage. Other observers painted a very different picture.  Human Rights Watch heavily criticised the results, denouncing the elections as taking place in “an atmosphere devoid of genuine political competition” and Burundi’s democracy as “hollowed out”. The Catholic Church, which had criticised previous elections, deployed observers, but some were turned away from polling places. Opposition parties uniformly condemned the results, with members of the CNL alleging multiple and forced voting, as well as “banned access” and the “arbitrary imprisonment” of its observers.

Women’s political participation

The 2025 elections saw an increase in the number of women elected to the National Assembly. Of the 100 directly elected seats, 39 women were elected, representing 39.0% of the directly elected members, up from 35 women (35.0%) in 2020. With the addition of 5 co-opted members to ensure ethnic and gender representation, the final composition of the National Assembly included 44 women of 111 total members, representing 39.6% of the chamber.

This represents a slight increase from the 2020 legislature, when women held 47 out of 123 seats (38.2%). While the percentage increased marginally, the absolute number of women decreased from 47 to 44 due to a reduction in total seats following the 2023 territorial reform that reduced the number of provinces from 18 to 5.

Legislative and Policy Reforms on Women's Rights

Burundi has adopted gender quotas. The 2005 Arusha Accords required that at least 30% of ministerial positions be reserved for women, representing a turning point for women's political participation in the country. The 2005 Constitution (Articles 129, 164, 182(2)) also mandated that women hold a minimum of 30% of seats in both the National Assembly, the Senate and the executive branch.

In 2011, the Burundian legislature went further, requiring a minimum of 30% women in the composition of national and provincial executive committees of political parties (Art. 33 of the Law on Political parties). In other institutions and decision-making bodies where the minimum 30% quota for women was not specifically required, the 2005 Constitution instead established "gender balances" (Art. 135, 208, 255).

Furthermore, the 2019 Electoral Code reaffirms that at least 30% of National Assembly members must be women. Article 108(2) of the Electoral Code further provides that if the 30% threshold for women in the Assembly is not met, the Independent National Electoral Commission includes additional deputies from lists that have reached 2% of votes. Article 127(3) adds that one in four candidates must be a woman on every electoral list.

Challenges to women's participation

Despite legislative reforms and progress in representation, Burundian society remains deeply patriarchal. Women continue to face systemic discrimination, and the persistence of discriminatory laws and practices undermines their political participation. Burundian society is deeply patriarchal, and women are often considered second-class citizens excluded from economic and social spheres.

According to Marleine Kubwayo, a 25-year-old women's rights activist, high school dropout rates due to unwanted pregnancies and the disproportionate share of family responsibilities borne by women and girls are the most pressing issues affecting young Burundian women today and make it harder for them to engage in politics.

Women are excluded from decision-making structures in Burundi. For example, women are not members of the Conseil des Sages (Council of the Wise), the ruling party's decision-making body. Burundian women are also not members of the Cercles des Généraux (Circle of Generals), an important group of army and police generals with veto power in key areas. In the cabinet, women have been mostly assigned "feminine" ministerial positions, such as education and health, and excluded from defence, security, and foreign affairs sectors.

There have also been reports of violence against women being perpetrated during elections. For example, in March 2020, members of the Imbonerakure raped and assaulted a woman member of the National Congress for Liberation (CNL) party. Amnesty International states that rape, in addition to physical mutilation, was used during the Burundian civil war as a "war strategy".

Conclusion

The CNDD-FDD Burundi won the legislative elections held on 5 June 2025, securing 95.6% of the votes. The percentage of women elected increased from 35% in 2020 to 39% in 2025.  In total, women hold 39.6% of the seats in the National Assembly, exceeding the 30% quota. While the polls resulted in an increase in female representation, they took place in a context of serious human rights violations, opposition repression, and lack of genuine political competition.

These quantitative successes mask deep structural challenges. Burundian society remains deeply patriarchal, with women systematically excluded from real power structures such as the Council of the Wise and the Circle of Generals. Women in politics are often relegated to ministries considered "feminine" and continue to face violence, intimidation, and discrimination when seeking to exercise significant political influence. Women’s rights and civil society organisations, however, continue to advocate for gender equality and develop initiatives to strengthen women’s political participation throughout Burundi by providing women in rural areas with the training and skills needed to engage in public life.

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